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Our Revolution: A Future to Believe In Hardcover – November 15, 2016

4.7 4.7 out of 5 stars 2,161 ratings

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When Bernie Sanders began his race for the presidency, it was considered by the political establishment and the media to be a “fringe” campaign, something not to be taken seriously. After all, he was just an Independent senator from a small state with little name recognition. His campaign had no money, no political organization, and it was taking on the entire Democratic Party establishment.

By the time Sanders’s campaign came to a close, however, it was clear that the pundits had gotten it wrong. Bernie had run one of the most consequential campaigns in the modern history of the country. He had received more than 13 million votes in primaries and caucuses throughout the country, won twenty-two states, and more than 1.4 million people had attended his public meetings. Most important, he showed that the American people were prepared to take on the greed and irresponsibility of corporate America and the 1 percent.

In
Our Revolution, Sanders shares his personal experiences from the campaign trail, recounting the details of his historic primary fight and the people who made it possible. And for the millions looking to continue the political revolution, he outlines a progressive economic, environmental, racial, and social justice agenda that will create jobs, raise wages, protect the environment, and provide health care for all―and ultimately transform our country and our world for the better. For him, the political revolution has just started. The campaign may be over, but the struggle goes on.

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About the Author

BERNIE SANDERS was a Democratic candidate for President of the United States. He is serving his third term in the U.S. Senate. Sanders previously served as mayor of Vermont’s largest city for eight years before defeating an incumbent Republican to be the sole congressperson for the state in the U.S. House of Representatives. He lives in Burlington, Vermont with his wife Jane and has four children and seven grandchildren.

Excerpt. © Reprinted by permission. All rights reserved.

Our Revolution

A Future to Believe In

By Bernie Sanders

St. Martin's Press

Copyright © 2016 Bernard Sanders
All rights reserved.
ISBN: 978-1-250-13292-5

Contents

Title Page,
Copyright Notice,
Dedication,
Introduction,
PART ONE: RUNNING FOR PRESIDENT,
1. How Do We Turn Out the Way We Do?,
2. My Political Life in Vermont,
3. Thinking About Running,
4. How Do You Run a Presidential Campaign?,
5. The Campaign Begins,
6. On the Campaign Trail,
PART TWO: AN AGENDA FOR A NEW AMERICA: HOW WE TRANSFORM OUR COUNTRY,
1. Defeating Oligarchy,
2. The Decline of the American Middle Class,
3. Ending a Rigged Economy,
4. Health Care for All,
5. Making Higher Education Affordable,
6. Combating Climate Change,
7. Real Criminal Justice Reform,
8. Immigration Reform Now,
9. Protecting Our Most Vulnerable,
10. Corporate Media and the Threat to Our Democracy,
Conclusion,
Photographs,
Acknowledgments,
About the Author,
Copyright,


CHAPTER 1

HOW DO WE TURN OUT THE WAY WE DO?


BROOKLYN

I grew up in a three-and-a-half-room rent-controlled apartment. My older brother, Larry, and I spent years sleeping on couches in the living room. During the 2016 New York State primary, in order to remind New Yorkers that I had grown up in Brooklyn, we held a rally on the street where I was raised, East Twenty-sixth Street. Fifty-six years after I left, I had a chance to visit the apartment where I spent my first eighteen years. Somehow, it had shrunk. God, it was small. The kitchen/dining room was tiny. It was hard to imagine our family of four having dinner there every night together. And the whole building looked dingier than I remembered. And so many apartments on one floor.

One of my first memories was being on the sidewalk outside of the apartment house where we lived on Kings Highway in the Flatbush section of Brooklyn. There was a military parade. It was the end of World War II. I was four years old.

That war, Hitler, and the Holocaust surely played a major role in shaping the direction of my life. I remember the photos of my father's family in Poland — killed by the Nazis. I remember a telephone call in the middle of the night, which never happened in our apartment, telling my father the good news that a cousin of his was still alive and in a displaced persons camp. I remember crying whenever I saw photos in a book about the destruction of the Jews. I remember seeing people in the neighborhood with tattooed numbers on their arms — survivors of concentration camps. I remember the excitement in the community at the establishment of the State of Israel in 1948.

No question about it. Being Jewish. The loss of family, including children my own age, in the Holocaust. The rise to power of a right-wing lunatic in a free election in Germany. A war that killed 50 million people, including more than one-third of all Jews on the planet. All of this had an indelible impact upon my life and thinking.

My brother, Larry, six years older than me, introduced me to politics and a whole lot else. He has played an enormously important role in my life, and I am forever grateful for his love, counsel, and overall wisdom. For the last fifty years he has lived in Oxford, England, where he raised his family and worked as a social worker. Ten years ago he was elected to the Oxfordshire County Council as a candidate of the Green Party, and he was reelected for a second term. He is now active in efforts to maintain a strong National Health Service system in the UK.

My mother taught Larry how to read when he was very young, and he has been a voracious reader for his entire life. Larry first read to me when I was four or five. We would stay in bed late on Saturday mornings going through stacks of comic books. When we were kids he was my mentor and, as older brothers occasionally are, my tormentor. He was very smart, always knew the answers that I didn't — and he let me know it.

Being an older brother is not easy. Occasionally, when you want to go out and spend time with your friends, you have to take care of your kid brother and drag him along. Not fun. On Saturdays, if my parents were away, Larry would also have to prepare lunch for me. I thought his cooking was great. His spaghetti with ketchup and his My-T-Fine chocolate pudding were outstanding.

My parents were not much into reading books, and there were few of them in the house. While we borrowed books from the local library, it was Larry who first brought books into our home and onto a bookshelf. More important, it was Larry who helped me understand what some of those books were about. He was a good teacher, and opened my eyes to so much.

While my parents were not particularly political, they always voted Democratic, as did virtually the entire Jewish neighborhood in which we lived. Larry brought politics into the house when, as a student at Brooklyn College, he joined the Young Democrats and campaigned for Adlai Stevenson in 1956.

During my presidential campaign I was delighted that Larry and his wife, Janet, and son, Jacob, were able to join me at some of our events. I was even prouder when, as a delegate from Democrats Abroad at the Democratic Convention, he cast, with tears in his eyes, his one vote for my nomination.

Was my family "poor"? No. Did we (as the economists say) have much discretionary income? Absolutely not.

My dad was a paint salesman with the Keystone Paint and Varnish Company. He came to this country from Poland at the age of seventeen without a nickel in his pocket. He was always employed and made enough money to provide for his wife, Dorothy, and his two sons, but not much more than that.

Money (or more appropriately, lack of money) was always a point of contention in the house. There were arguments and more arguments between my parents. Painful arguments. Bitter arguments. Arguments that seared through a little boy's brain, never to be forgotten.

"Bernard. Go out and get some groceries. Here's what we need. Here's the list," my mother said. And, dutiful son of twelve, I went out and bought the groceries. But I went to the wrong store. I went to the small shop a few blocks away, rather than the Waldbaum's grocery store on Nostrand Avenue. I paid more than I should have. When I returned and my mother realized what I had done, the screaming was horrible. Money was hard to come by. Not to be wasted.

When I was thirteen, I wanted a leather jacket. It was the fashion. Everyone had one and I was tired of my brother's hand-me-down coat. "Okay," said Mom. "Let's get you a leather jacket." This became the shopping trip from hell. It's probably why sixty-two years later — ask my wife if I'm lying — I still hate shopping and why I want to escape if I am in a department store for more than a half hour.

On that day my mother took me to at least a dozen stores in search of the lowest price on a leather jacket. We started off at several stores at the Kings Highway shopping district. Then we got on the subway to the large department stores in downtown Brooklyn and Manhattan. There was no leather jacket in New York City that I didn't try on.

Well, you guessed it: We ended up buying the jacket from the first store we had visited on Kings Highway much earlier in the day. It's funny to think about that now. It wasn't funny then.

How much money your family had determined the quality of your baseball glove, which brand of sneakers you wore, and what kind of car your father drove. It also, of course, determined whether you lived in a rent-controlled apartment house (as most of my friends did) or a "private house." Not until I was much older did I learn that most people did not refer to the average house on a street as a "private house." But that distinction was very clear where I lived. Those of us who lived in apartment houses were working class and those who lived in "private houses" were middle class. It was one of the early class distinctions that I remember.

I spent much of my childhood playing out on the street or in schoolyards. The street was our world, and we never left home without a pink Spalding rubber ball. Unlike today, there was no adult supervision. None at all. We organized all the games by ourselves.

We played hour after hour after hour. On the street we played hide-and-seek, punchball, hockey, two-hand touch football, and stickball — with time-outs when cars passed by and strict rules as to what happened when the ball got stuck under a parked car. We pitched marbles into sewer grates. If your marble went down the hole in the middle, you got ten marbles back.

We played wall ball against the sides of the buildings. We played box ball on the sidewalk, curb ball against the curbs, and stoopball against the stoops. We played regular handball and Chinese handball. We flipped baseball cards. We raced. In the school yard of PS 197, where I went to elementary school a few blocks from where I lived, we played softball and basketball until we were so tired we could barely drag ourselves home. For nourishment, we chipped in to buy a large bottle of soda.

What I learned playing on the streets and playgrounds of Brooklyn was not just how to become a decent ballplayer and athlete. I learned a profound lesson about democracy and self-rule. From playing punchball and stickball? Yes.

There were no adults on the streets or playgrounds where we spent much of our lives. Nobody supervised us. Nobody coached us. Nobody refereed our games. We were on our own. Everything was organized and determined by the kids themselves. The group worked out our disagreements, made all the decisions, and learned to live with them.

"What game should we play? ... Hey. That's a great idea, let's do it."

"Can I borrow your baseball glove? ... Who brought the bat and ball? ... Was he safe or was he out? ... Was the ball foul or was it fair?"

There was no debate about who played on which side. Everyone knew who was the best, second-best, and third-best basketball player when we chose up teams. That's the way it was.

In three-man basketball, the team that lost went to the sidelines and a new team replaced them to challenge the winners. Those were the rules.

And it all worked out.

It was, as I think about it now, an amazingly democratic and self-sustaining community which taught me lessons about working with people that I've never forgotten.

The other thing I've never forgotten was the relationship that the kids on the block, and the entire community, had with the Brooklyn Dodgers. Sometimes, as I travel about, I am asked which baseball team I rooted for when I was growing up. Are you kidding? There was only one team. And they were family.

Gil Hodges at first, Jackie Robinson or Junior Gilliam at second, Pee Wee Reese (my favorite player) at shortstop, Billy Cox at third, Gene Hermanski in left field, the Duke in center, Carl Furillo in right, Roy Campanella behind the plate. On the mound we had Preacher Roe, Don Newcombe, Carl Erskine, Johnny Podres, Clem Labine, Joe Black, Sandy Koufax — among many others. Those names are indelibly planted on my mind. Sixty years have come and gone, and I remember those mythical figures like it was yesterday.

It would have been unthinkable for anyone on the block not to know the names of the players, their batting averages, and the win-loss record of the pitchers. We knew who they were playing on a given day, where they were playing, who was pitching, and how many games out of first place they might be. We also knew as much information about their personal lives as the baseball cards we flipped and traded provided. Most of our contact with the Dodgers came through the radio and TV play-by-play commentary of Red Barber and Vin Scully, who were as familiar to us as the players.

Ebbets Field, where the Dodgers played, was a half-hour subway ride away, and we would go to the ball games a few Saturdays or Sundays a season, sometimes for a doubleheader. Usually, we got the 60-cent bleacher seats, sometimes the $1.25 seats way up the first-base line. On occasion, we would wait outside the players' entrance to get autographs. I still remember seeing a tired Jackie Robinson walking out of the ballpark.

The Dodgers brought joy and despair to our world. What kid who grew up in Brooklyn does not still remember the end of the 1951 season, and the collapse of the Dodgers, who gave up a thirteen-game lead to the hated New York Giants. And then the playoffs. And Ralph Branca. And Bobby Thomson's home run, the shot heard 'round the world.

But better times came in 1955. Finally, finally, the Dodgers beat the Yankees and won the World Series. Johnny Podres the hero. Mass hysteria in Brooklyn.

You do not have to be a sociologist to understand the impact that the Dodgers had on the people of Brooklyn, race relations, and our sense of community. As kids we all knew, of course, that Jackie Robinson, Don Newcombe, and Roy Campanella were black. But what was far more important to us was that they were great ballplayers. We were not bleeding-heart liberals. We just wanted the Dodgers to win. Of course they were part of our family.

There was a saying that went around Brooklyn during the time that the Dodgers were about to leave for Los Angeles. It went like this: The three worst people in modern history were Adolf Hitler, Joseph Stalin, and Walter O'Malley, but not necessarily in that order. The departure of the Dodgers, orchestrated by O'Malley, the team owner, was devastating to the borough and to the city. It left a gaping hole.

Frankly, as a nonpolitical teenager, I found it very difficult to understand how the Dodgers could be moved. This team was the Brooklyn Dodgers. You know — like the Brooklyn Bridge. Like Brooklyn College. Like the borough of Brooklyn. How could you take something away that was an essential part of the life of the people and that meant so much to them? O'Malley's devastating decision to rip the Dodgers out of Brooklyn in order to pursue greater profits on the West Coast was, I suspect, one of my first observations regarding the deficiencies of capitalism.

But my childhood experiences were not just on the streets of Brooklyn.

I will never forget one summer when I was thirteen years old and my parents sent me to the Ten Mile River Scout Camp in Narrowsburg, New York. It was an inexpensive way for kids to get out of the city during the summer. My first summer at the camp was supposed to be four weeks. I came home after two. I was homesick. The next year I was supposed to be there two weeks. I stayed four. I had a great time. The last time I went I stayed for six weeks and cried when I had to come back to the city.

As a kid, I had been in the Cub Scouts, where my mom was a den mother, and later was part of Troop 356 in the Boy Scouts. Our troop went on occasional hikes and cookouts, but it was nothing like summer camp.

Boy Scout camp was an extraordinary experience for me. For the first time in my life I was exposed to the outdoors and a rural way of life: living in a lean-to without a front door, spending nights in a sleeping bag on a straw-filled "mattress," hiking, camping, observing beautiful starry nights for the first time in my life, learning about Indian lore, swimming in the lake, canoeing, having communal meals in a giant mess hall, singing folk songs.

One day, my bunkmate and I were sitting on our beds reading comic books. A rather large black snake slithered across the upper bunk bed on my friend's side of the cabin. The snake was heading down toward his shoulder. We ran like hell.

Quite the experience for a boy from Brooklyn.

Going to Boy Scout camp changed my life. It turned out that I really liked country living, and I never forgot that. I doubt very much that I would have ended up in Vermont, one of the most rural states in the country, if I hadn't gone to Scout camp.

High school for me, James Madison High School, was not as much fun as my days in elementary school. The school was much larger and, unlike PS 197, where I had known almost all the kids for my whole life, there were a lot of new faces. I was a good student in high school, but not a great one. The social studies interested me more than math and science.

I ran for senior class president. I remember pacing up and down the bedroom floor as I worked with my mother on the speech I was going to give in the school auditorium. My main campaign platform called for the high school to adopt a South Korean war orphan. I lost that election. The fellow who won, however, eventually took my idea: Our school "adopted" that child.

One of the first great disappointments in my young life was not making the James Madison High School basketball team, consistently one of the better teams in the city, under the legendary leadership of its longtime coach, Jamie Moskowitz.

How happy I was to have made the junior varsity team in my freshman year. I came home with a beautiful uniform, number 10. If truth be told, I even slept in that silky uniform. But then disaster struck. At a practice early in the season I was told by the coach that I was cut. No junior varsity team, no varsity team in the future, no beautiful uniform. A crushing experience.

I don't remember exactly why, but I then went out for the track and cross-country teams. As a kid, I always had good endurance and could run forever. Track and cross-country were not as sexy as basketball. No large crowds at the meets, not as much attention. But it turned out to be an exciting and meaningful experience for me. I enjoyed it very much and was pretty good at it.

There were long subway rides from Brooklyn to Van Cortlandt Park in the Bronx for the cross-country events. There were the many hundreds of runners at the starting line and, then, after the starter's gun went off, the mad dash into the woods for the two-and-a-half-mile run. There was the smell of the fall leaves on the ground through the deep breaths of a body pushing hard. There was the final kick down the long straightaway to the finish line, passing runners who were even more tired than me. Great experiences that I have never forgotten.


(Continues...)Excerpted from Our Revolution by Bernie Sanders. Copyright © 2016 Bernard Sanders. Excerpted by permission of St. Martin's Press.
All rights reserved. No part of this excerpt may be reproduced or reprinted without permission in writing from the publisher.
Excerpts are provided by Dial-A-Book Inc. solely for the personal use of visitors to this web site.

Product details

  • Publisher ‏ : ‎ Thomas Dunne Books; 1st edition (November 15, 2016)
  • Language ‏ : ‎ English
  • Hardcover ‏ : ‎ 464 pages
  • ISBN-10 ‏ : ‎ 1250132924
  • ISBN-13 ‏ : ‎ 978-1250132925
  • Item Weight ‏ : ‎ 1.55 pounds
  • Dimensions ‏ : ‎ 6.36 x 1.62 x 9.6 inches
  • Customer Reviews:
    4.7 4.7 out of 5 stars 2,161 ratings

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Bernie Sanders
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BERNIE SANDERS ran as a Democratic candidate for President of the United States in 2015 and 2016. He served as mayor of Burlington, Vermont’s largest city, for eight years before defeating an incumbent Republican to be the sole congressperson for the state in the U.S. House of Representatives in 1991. He was elected to the Senate in 2007 and is now in his second term, making him the longest-serving independent in the history of the Congress. He lives in Burlington, Vermont, with his wife, Jane, and has four children and seven grandchildren.

Photo by United States Congress (http://sanders.senate.gov/) [Public domain], via Wikimedia Commons

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If all America read this book, Bernie would be our next president! He is the real deal!
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Reviewed in the United States on February 5, 2021
I started following politics after the 2016 election mostly due to how often I saw videos of politics in my YouTube recommended videos. I watched some of them and simply didn’t know who was “right” and who was “wrong”. I saw people making arguments and never pointing out the counter argument people have on those arguments they present. I found out about Bernie Sanders and started seeing that everyone called him a socialist and a communist. People, especially conservatives often go back to the “argument” “socialism has never worked” and they point out Venezuela and the Soviet Union. It only takes basic research to learn that what Bernie wants is something that has been accomplished successfully before. In fact, in many instances, we are the only developed nation to not apply some of these successful policies. In Our Revolution Bernie goes into more depth about these policies and how they could actually make the U.S a much better place.

In this book Bernie talks about how he started a campaign because he saw no opposition to Hillary Clinton and he disagreed with her on a couple of issues. He talks about how he raised money and made some connections. He spoke specifically about certain issues because he met with union workers and middle class and poor people and he knew their struggles. Instead of getting on the phone and begging for money from millionaires and billionaires in return for deregulation and tax cuts, he met with regular folks and raised millions of dollars in small donations averaging $27. The part of the book related to the campaign was very entertaining and eye opening to read

In the last part of the book, he gets into the policy issues and how they could solve some of the problems facing the country. I have heard way too many conservatives and even some liberals say “how are you going to pay for it?” Well, in this book he answers that and many more questions with great detail. This part of the book is filled with plenty of research that help his argument about his policies. There is plenty of substance to all his policies and people who claim that he is unrealistic would be surprised if they read this book. They would find that not only are a lot of these policies plausible, but also needed.

The very last few pages of the book focus on a topic that people would find interesting regardless of your politics. It is based on research and famous work done by Noam Chomsky in his book called “Manufacturing Consent.” Which if you paid any attention to this 2019-2020 primary you know played a great factor in his opponent winning it.
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Reviewed in the United States on November 19, 2016
This was the eleventh time I've voted for president but only the first I've ever truly voted FOR someone. I've admired Sanders for a long time but was still surprised at the remarkable success of his campaign, and dearly wish I'd been able to vote for him for president.

The book is representative of the man -- straightforward, unembellished and plain spoken. The first section, about 40% of the book, is the chronological story of Sanders' life, from his childhood in Brooklyn through the 2016 campaign. We learn about the events and people that shaped Bernie's beliefs and work as an activist, mayor, representative, senator and candidate. This part of the book is very interesting, both for Sanders' own telling of his life story and the details of his campaign -- how he decided to run, speeches he gave (sometimes given in full), decisions he made and people he met.

He does NOT mention primary election irregularities, a controversial topic. EJUSA, an organization of statisticians, journalists and election observers, issued a report stating the odds of the primaries being fair and accurate was 76 billion to 1. Many of Sanders supporters were upset that no one from the campaign ever made an issue of the exit poll disparities in 11 states but, even here, Sanders does not talk about that or most of the dirty tricks and smears by the Clinton campaign.

If you ever heard a Sanders policy-laden speech and wished he would talk even longer, section two is for you. Here Sanders lays out his policy positions in depth. Chapters cover the oligarchy, the decline of the middle class, economic justice, healthcare, college costs, climate change, immigration, the poor and disabled, and the compromised corporate media.

Each chapter is detailed and generously interspersed with graphs and pictures. The economics chapter, for instance, discusses the minimum wage, pay equity, unions, family leave, vacation and sick leave, jobs, taxes, trade, Wall Street and the Fed! And each topic is discussed in some depth. Often names are given, such as the men who orchestrated our economic collapse and bailout, and the top ten tax avoiding corporations. I learned a lot reading these chapters, and thought Sanders was particularly insightful in the chapter on media.

The book is very much like the man himself -- straightforward and no nonsense. There is no gossip, no secrets revealed. There are no in depth character studies. (We'll have to wait for books from others to get those details!) There is no rancor or ego.

Dedicated to his parents, family and campaign volunteers, Our Revolution is the unvarnished tale of the good and honest man who should have been president.
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Reviewed in the United States on November 15, 2016
First, know that I am not political, never have been. Many years ago as a young person, I was a Republican because my parents and their parents were Republicans & came from Missouri to California via Illinois. As I became a young adult I switched to a Democrat because I began questioning the beliefs I grew up with. What's wrong with integration or blacks for that matter. Being a girl in the 60's I was totally against the double standard. How did that happen and when? Now being a senior and on social security and medicare, my husband and I live in fear of those benefits being cut or even eliminated. At 73 my husband still works full time because we can't afford for him not to. As prices rise greatly his paycheck does not. And at this point we just don't know what President Elect Trump will do, one can only hope! I voted for Bernie for President but I believe the DNC put an end to his being nominated. It seemed like all hope was lost. But today I received Bernie's new book and now I believe I understand more than ever what has happened. It's a wonderful and very informative, eye opening book that everyone of us 99% must read and come together to bring our country back to the 'People' and not leave it to the 1%. We must stand together and vote together. I wish Bernie had run as an independent and maybe he would have won. If he runs again we will certainly vote for him again. By the way, I'm only one seventh of the way through and my knowledge of politics has been increased one hundred fold. If you are unhappy with our government, don't complain, VOTE! I think I'll start watching C-SPAN!
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EDEL ARTURO ESTRADA ALVARADO
5.0 out of 5 stars Excelente
Reviewed in Mexico on December 28, 2021
Excelente libro que ayudará a hacer el mundo un lugar mejor.
Dominick
5.0 out of 5 stars This really opens your eyes
Reviewed in Canada on August 17, 2021
Some people and most mainstream media outlets tend to write Bernie off as this Left-Wing politician who doesn't know what he's doing or is aware of the issues of today. Before reading this I was on the fence on whether Bernie was a true alternative politician or just a one-hit-wonder politician. This book really altered my perspective. Bernie knows about the issues the working-middle class are facing, he knows how to fix them and he can show that there really is an alternative solution to this era of Neoliberalism and Globalization. Definitely would recommend this book to anyone who is on the fence or skeptical of Bernie
Nacho
5.0 out of 5 stars Historia muy interesante, lo recomiendo
Reviewed in Spain on November 24, 2019
Libro muy interesante de tipo autobiográfico sobre el senador estadounidense Bernie Sanders, famoso por estar a punto de ganar la nominación demócrata en 2016 contra Hillary Clinton a pesar de ser un completo desconocido hasta entonces, gracias a su mensaje socialdemocrata inédito en EEUU. Yo pensaba que se centraría principalmente en la campaña presidencial, pero me he llevado una agradable sorpresa porque hace mucho hincapié en la biografía del personaje su infancia en los años 40 en Brooklyn y toda su trayectoria política incluyendo sus años como representante sindical sus primeras campañas regionales y su tiempo como alcalde de Burlington.
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Muthuvel Deivendran
5.0 out of 5 stars The most heroic word in all languages is revolution.
Reviewed in India on September 11, 2019
"The most heroic word in all languages is revolution." - Eugene V Debs

Recent tough interviewing by Hasan Minhaj with Canadian Prime Minister revealed a lot about the condition on the dire dependence on fossil fuel industries for boosting the economy to the certain extent so that the government would be able to tackle climate change with the profit money. It is more or less the same thing about countires like Norway. These countries are still better interms of the cultural harmony, lesser poverty, health care benefits under fairer conditions when compared with the rest of the wretched ones. But it also makes me feel that all the good things I mentioned require the consent of the established as well which includes both inside and outside of the government. The very notion of fighting against the politico-economic establishment is almost imposible to imagine in the modernity of globalized and glocalized market societies.

And fighting against the very thing that cause the hegemony is everything to do with starting point for trying to solve the real world problems with the no other ideology than being mere humans.

I don't think it's a coincidence Bernie Sanders has this book named "Our Revolution" same as the one written 110 years ago by Leon Trotsky.

Whenever I use to get upset and whiny about the system and societies here, I'll always be able to think about a serious old man, who lived in my lifetime, fighting against the established on the other side of the world for several decades without losing any damn hope.
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Muthuvel Deivendran
5.0 out of 5 stars The most heroic word in all languages is revolution.
Reviewed in India on September 11, 2019
"The most heroic word in all languages is revolution." - Eugene V Debs

Recent tough interviewing by Hasan Minhaj with Canadian Prime Minister revealed a lot about the condition on the dire dependence on fossil fuel industries for boosting the economy to the certain extent so that the government would be able to tackle climate change with the profit money. It is more or less the same thing about countires like Norway. These countries are still better interms of the cultural harmony, lesser poverty, health care benefits under fairer conditions when compared with the rest of the wretched ones. But it also makes me feel that all the good things I mentioned require the consent of the established as well which includes both inside and outside of the government. The very notion of fighting against the politico-economic establishment is almost imposible to imagine in the modernity of globalized and glocalized market societies.

And fighting against the very thing that cause the hegemony is everything to do with starting point for trying to solve the real world problems with the no other ideology than being mere humans.

I don't think it's a coincidence Bernie Sanders has this book named "Our Revolution" same as the one written 110 years ago by Leon Trotsky.

Whenever I use to get upset and whiny about the system and societies here, I'll always be able to think about a serious old man, who lived in my lifetime, fighting against the established on the other side of the world for several decades without losing any damn hope.
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Amazon Kunde
5.0 out of 5 stars Guter Einblick
Reviewed in Germany on September 1, 2017
Nachdem ich die Präsidentschaftskandidatur Sanders mit Begeisterung verfolgte konnte ich auch auf das anschließende Buch kaum warten. Es beschreibt eben diese Monate der Kandidatur und gibt darüberhinaus auch Kontext zur Person Bernie Sanders selbst. Wo dieser Mann aufwuchs, wie er in die Politik kam und wie ihn seine Zeit als Bürgermeister in Vermont prägte. Das Buch ist in zwei große Blöcke eingeteilt, wovon sich der erste wie eine Biographie liest und der zweite wie eine Aufzählung noch bevorstehender Projekte des Politikers. Aus meiner Sicht merkt man, dass Sanders sich für das Buch nicht ewig Zeit nehmen wollte, um die politische Aufbruchstimmung seiner Kampagne so gut wie möglich zu nutzen, dies zeigt allein schon das Veröffentlichungsdatum, jedoch ist das Buch trotzdem äußerst informativ und unterhaltend geworden.
Deutlich wird, welche Chance die Demokraten sich dadurch verspielt haben, Clinton ihm vorzuziehen. Durch seine für europäischen Verhältnisse durchaus sozialdemokratischen Positionen erwischte Sanders im vergangenen Jahr den Zeitgeist vor allem der jungen Bevölkerung und Großteile der Minoritäten. Das Buch zeigt, dass Politiker in den USA nicht ausnahmslos von der Industrie finanziert sind, dass auch dort noch Einzelne für die Sache und für ihre Werte kämpfen und tut eben deshalb für Anhänger seiner Bewegung und seiner Ideen alles in allem dann auch etwas weh.
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